![]() Blake draws on biography to emphasize the intersection of questions of self, culture, and society in their calls for a culture of "personality" and "self-fulfillment." In contrast to the tendency of previous analyses to separate these critics' cultural and autobiographical writings from their politics, Blake argues that their cultural criticism grew out of a radical vision of self-realization through participation in a democratic culture and polity. criticisms and their attempts to forge a communitarian alternative to liberal and socialist poitics. In Beloved Community, Casey Blake considers these intellectuals as a coherant group and assesses the connection between thier cultural. The "Young American" critics - Randolph Bourne, Van Wyck Brooks, Waldo Frank, and Lewis Mumford - are well known as central figures in the Greenwich Village "Little Renaissance" of the 1910s and in the postwar debates about American culture and politics. To what extent, in connection with what issues and areas of public life and at what stages in the development of the Federal Republic they can be deemed to be agenda‐setters is critically assessed throughout. #Hitler textify professionalBetween them they are seen to embrace the two aspects (cultural politics and cultural policy) of the term Kulturpolitik: Habermas by discursive interventions in a changing terrain of values, mentalities and institutional frameworks determining the lifeworld of an ever changing modernity and Hoffmann by theoretical reflection about the parameters and tasks of cultural policy as a field of professional administration and decision‐making. Parts two and three are dedicated to case studies on Jürgen Habermas and Hilmar Hoffmann respectively. ![]() have been polemically abused as well as critically lauded. The first traces the introduction of the term “intellectuals” into German, sketches out how they have variously been defined and sets out the reasons why they. Our thesis has been structured in three parts. This article argues that intellectuals in Germany post‐1945 have had, and continue to have, an important influence both on the political culture in general and on cultural policy in particular. By the start of the seventies it had become apparent to advocates of a self-assertive German nationalism that the Right needed to give itself an intellectual dimension that would help it gain broad public support in the pre-political sphere before it could expect electoral success. New Right culture was meant to function as a political resource, providing a set of values as the foundation for a New Right program. The answers to these questions are complicated by the fact that the New Right is a political and a cultural movement, and the relationship between its political and cultural dimensions is far from harmonious. ![]() What kind of collective political and cultural memory is the New Right trying to construct, and how much of a turning point was German unification for this construction? The New Right has seen generational change among its own ranks since it came into existence at the end of the sixties, and a key question of postmemory - what happens to the memory of National Socialism with the passing of the generations that experienced it directly? - has a particular relevance for the New Right since some of the figures associated with its early years rejected National Socialism only after a period of direct support and involvement with it. The New Right and Postmemory Located at the intersection of culture and politics and to the right of mainstream conservatism, the New Right in Germany today provides an interesting case study in forgetting and remembering. ![]()
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